Video Surveillance Cameras vs. Personal Privacy Research Paper

Video Surveillance Cameras vs. Personal Privacy - Research Paper Example This research will begin with the statement that video surveillance has been in existence for a long time now. Often you will find cameras in shopping malls, bank halls, workplaces, airports, transportation hubs and mostly on urban streets. As modernization and development increased, the number of risks also grew to such an alarming extent that employers, governments, organizations and even individuals saw the need for keeping a close watch on their lives and property. Video surveillance has been more embraced in the recent times compared to other complex systems. Camera surveillance has taken over the market as a main figure of supervision in high risk public and private areas, where theft and terrorism are observed to be prevalent. The digital technology has proved to be the ultimate stimulator for camera surveillance, which comes in a variety of models that could be easily implemented for use. According to Jones, there are about 100 million CCTV cameras operating in the world of w hich 30 million can be identified to be from the United States. Systems of video surveillance cameras have been applied widely to different situations and not necessarily to intrude on personal privacy but to monitor and supervise activities for the intended purposes. The use of surveillance cameras is potentially used and recognized in the European nations more than in the United States, with Europe significantly overstating the benefits of the CCTV.... It is obvious that those cameras will be deployed on both ordinary public places and even more private areas, which are prone to crime. The constitution project staff (12) mentions that video surveillance is carried out in line with the need for police investigation, in a suspected criminal act of an individual in New York, pursuant to a warrant. Most of the crimes are strategically organized not to occur in an open place, rather looking for a secluded environment to pursue their mission. Placing cameras in such locations would make it easier for security agencies to deter crime and capture the offenders. Many in the society oppose the government strategy, claiming that they are being watched or recorded enough to read an individual’s next move and the way they privately carry themselves in the public. A study on Manhattan surveillance cameras established that there were high chances of being recorded almost every step of the way, as one walked around the city and most especia lly, it seems to be worse when more cameras are even located in some sacred public domains (Winston and Edelbach 223). While this is true, individuals concentrate more on their private life and tend to forget that the primary concern is not surveillance intrusion in privacy, but to gather and cover timed activities for analysis and as evidence in case of an event (Constitution Project Staff 8). Again, individuals who seem to be anxious would portray a character that would raise the suspicion of security agents monitoring activities on cameras, making them question whether the individual has a hidden agenda. With border patrol surveillance, cameras are placed on roads, highways and at the border to keep watch and control exits and

Water Pollution Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Water Pollution - Essay Example Sadly, perhaps with no thought of its great value, some people unknowingly, or even knowingly, contaminate sources of this precious commodity. In some instances, such contaminations have left behind irreversible damage to the already diminishing supply. At this point, it is worth saying that this vital yet often ignored resource is water. Water pollution is a major challenge facing the world today.  All life is dependent on water, implying that there can be no life without water. Although earth is largely covered with water, it is sad that only a small percentage can be consumed. USGS.gov report revealed that only 1% of the earth’s water can be consumed by humans, 99% of which is groundwater and only 1% being lake/river water. The unusable water is either saline, or frozen in ice caps/glaziers, or is ocean water. With only a small portion being consumable, it would be prudent that this meager resource is kept as safe as possible. This is sadly not the case. Every day the mea ger sources of consumable water are depleted, thanks to acts of pollution. Such pollution occurs with or without realization. Water pollution is defined as the addition of harmful foreign elements (pollutants) to consumable water. This presentation seeks to highlight the various causes of water pollution.  Water pollution refers to the contamination of water bodies such as rivers, lakes, aquifers, oceans, and groundwater. It occurs when pollutants are directly or indirectly discharged into water bodies without adequate treatment to remove harmful compounds.  In numerous parts of the world mainly the developing countries, water pollution is a widespread menace which has profound impacts on the aesthetic characteristics of the environment, the health of the consumers of the polluted water and the economic and social wellbeing the inhabitants of these areas in general.  

Responsibility to Protect Dissertation Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 6000 words

Responsibility to Protect - Dissertation Example In his studies about democide (a term has come to be used to refer to the murders committed by governments on individual or groups, including genocides, mass killing and crimes against humanity), Rummel (1986, 1997) illustrated that democides are more threatening than international wars, as he estimated the total number of deaths killed by governments in the 20th century 174 million dead, which is more than the battle-deaths during the same period. Moreover, he found that regimes who committed democide are likely to be dictatorial, such as Communists and Nazis. Figure 1: Democide Compared to War Battle-Dead, adobted from Rummel (1994). The next sections of the introduction will initially define three key crimes that violate human rights the most, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. Secondly, the struggle of dealing with these crimes, and the evolution of the means used for preventing them will be illustrating. The third section will cover the research question, objectives and structure. The ultimate part will focus on exploring the problem by demonstrating the tension of state sovereignty and the debate of the R2P. War Crimes, Genocide and Crimes against Humanity War crimes refer to the excessive violation of human rights within wars, and a serious breach of international humanitarian law (Clarisse, 2011). There have been several codifications in the international level concerning war crimes, beginning with The Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, followed by the Conventions of 12 August 1949 and their Additional Protocols I and II of 1977 and article 8 of the 1998 Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court. Murders, attacks on civilian (either prisoners, free or refugees) and their goods, pillage and rape are all considered war crimes (OHCHR, 2010). Moreover, â€Å"Genocide, crimes against humanity, mistreatment of civilians or combatants during war can all fall under the category of war crimes. Genocide is the most severe of these crimes (BBC, 2009). However, the second concept that must be clarified is genocide, which came from a Polish Jew called Raphael Lemkin in 1944 when he combined a Greek word (genos) meaning group, and a Latin word (cide) which means killing (Rossil, 2003). Genocide can be officially defined with regard to Article II of the 1948 United Nation Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide as: â€Å"any of a number of acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group: killing members of the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group, and forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.† (UN, 1948) Other crimes against humanity include â€Å"murder, extermination, enslave ment, deportation, and other inhumane acts committed against any civilian population, before or during the war, or persecutions on political, racial or religious grounds in execution of or in connection with any crime within the jurisdiction of the Tribunal,

Geographies of Social Difference Essay Example for Free

Geographies of Social Difference Essay Map 1: [Figure 2, People not fluent in English as a percentage of the total population aged 5 years and over, Sydney, 2006] (a) Compare the spatial pattern of the map to the map of unemployment. Does the map share the same spatial pattern as unemployment (i.e. do the areas of high and low concentration match)? Describe the similarities and differences in the spatial pattern. Figure (1) displays that there is a high prevalence of unemployed people in the Western and South western regions of Sydney. Sydneys South West areas and inner west areas have high numbers of people not fluent in English e.g. Cabramatta-Marrickville .Both Figure (1) and (2) correlate well with each other as the areas which are high numbers of unemployment are also areas which have a high number on individuals of are not fluent in English. b) Explain why your map shares (or does not share) a similar spatial pattern to the map of unemployment. Areas which have high numbers of unemployed individuals are also areas which have a high number in individuals who are not fluent in English. Individuals not being fluent in English may be limited to employment opportunities as they may lack fundamental communication skills which are needed in the workforce. They may also have limited opportunities to attain qualifications that may improve chances of employment due to their lack of English skills e.g. entering a Question 2, Map 2. Map 2: [Figure (3) Low income Households with a gross weekly income less than $500, as a percentage of all households. Sydney, 2006.] Compare the spatial pattern of the map to the map of unemployment. Does the map share the same spatial pattern as unemployment (i.e. do the areas of high and low concentration match)? Describe the similarities and differences in the spatial pattern. Figure (1) and Figure (3) have similar spatial patterns of unemployment and low income households. Both unemployment and low income are common in the central western parts of Sydney (Blacktown) and also South Western parts of Sydney such as Campbelltown and also leading into the inner western and eastern suburbs such as Villawood and Claymore (ABS, 2006). These maps show similarities as unemployment often results in individuals living off low income. b) Explain why your map shares (or does not share) a similar spatial pattern to the map of unemployment. Figure (1) and Figure (3) have similar spatial patterns as unemployment and low income correlate with each other. Both unemployment and low income are prevalent specifically in the Western suburbs of Sydney. Individuals who earn low incomes are left with little to no amounts of discretionary income, hence why they reside in areas within Western Sydney as estate is more affordable to buy or rent in comparison to other regions such as Northern Sydney Question 3: The map of unemployment shows that some areas of Sydney experience higher levels of unemployment compared to the rest of Sydney. Identify and explain the changes that have taken place in the economy (e.g. in Sydney, NSW, Australia) that have generated such unevenness in socio-economic opportunities. Discrepancies between the rich and poor have been known to humanity for countless years. These discrepancies are evident in all societies where there are a variety of individuals who belong to different classes on the social class ladder. These discrepancies are evident in figure (1) and (3) where unemployment and low income are most common in Western parts of Sydney. Individuals often chose to reside in Sydneys Western suburbs where living and life style costs are considerably cheaper in comparison to Eastern/Northern areas of Sydney. Economic changes within regions results in social polarization. Socio-spatial polarisation) refers to divergence over time in the life chances and socio-ec onomic circumstances of low income and middle to high income populations CITATION Wai00 \l 3081  (Waitt, et al., 2000). Income is a critical factor underlying polarisation. In Australia, the top 25 per cent of families now receive about 5 times as much disposable income as the lowest 25 per cent CITATION Wai00 \l 3081 (Waitt, et al., 2000). These statistics are evident in figure (1) where unemployment are most common in the Western parts of Sydney due to the living costs being lower in comparison to North and East suburbs of Sydney. As social-polarisation is associated with socioeconomic factors such as income and education, it can be said that individuals who are not fluent in English are less likely to find employment due to their lack of essential work skills. Another reason that causes discrepancies between low socioeconomic status communities and high socioeconomic status communities is the constant improvement and development of areas which are seen to be more desirable to live in. An example of this is the constant advertisements which portray messages saying new inner-city residence that will bring about a new way of living or state that living in the inner city has so many benefits: you can walk to work, miss traffic jams, stroll to all the best restaurants and be part of the lively city ambience CITATION Bau05 \l 3081 (Baum, et al., 2005). This results in individuals wishing to move into areas close to the CBD. As populations increase in these areas, infrastructure will also increase. This will create jobs which will favour individuals living close by. This cycle results in low socio-economic areas receiving less development opportunities as individuals prefer to reside in other areas e.g. Individuals preferring to reside in Northern Sydney over Western Sydney. Individuals who reside in Western Sydney Suburbs that are able to find employment in high socioeconomic areas such as Northern Sydney which are constantly redeveloped and improved are faced with the burdens of travelling for long periods . References Waitt, G, McGuirk, P, Dunn, K, Hartig, K Burnley, I 2000, Transforming cities: socio-spatial polarisation, in Introducing human geography: globalisation, difference and inequality, Longman, Sydney, pp. 405-406. Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2006. A Social Atlas, 2006 Census of Population Housing, Sydney: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Baum, S., OConnor, K. Stimson, R., 2005. Suburbs of advantage and disadvantage. In: Fault lines exposed: advantage and disadvantage across Australias  settlement system. Melbourne: Monash University ePress, pp. 12-30.

Fitzgeralds Taps At Reveille Essay -- Fitzgerald Taps At Reveille Ess

Fitzgerald’s â€Å"Taps At Reveille† During his lifetime, Scott Fitzgerald was known primarily as a short-story writer. In his twenty-year career, he published a hundred and sixty-four stories in various magazines, and forty-four were written in the last six years of his life. Published by Scribner’s in 1935, â€Å"Taps At Reveille†, a short-story collection, composed eighteen of those last efforts. Critics met it with mixed reviews: one called it â€Å"appealing†1 while another, â€Å"feeble and inadequate†1. But the 1930’s were particularly difficult years for the Fitzgeralds. By mid-decade (and the year of publication for â€Å"Taps At Reveille†) Scott’s drinking had spiraled into full blown alcoholism, Zelda, Scott’s wife, was in the throes of a third schizophrenic break-down which would require hospitalization, and both Fitzgeralds were heavily in debt 3. In addition, the United States was in the middle of the Great Depression, which exacerbated money-related problems for everyone. Matters never really improved for Fitzgerald after â€Å"Taps† came out. Around 1934 he began to write stories alm...

Life or Something Like It :: essays research papers

†2’, long brown hair, and big blue eyes. It’s hard to place exactly when and where it all happened. So let me just fill you in on how I got where I am today. I met her in the seventh grade for the first time through a mutual friend. From that moment on I had a big crush. We talked on occasion throughout eighth grade up until high school. We hung out a few times and then junior year rolled around and I was asked for a favor. It was my chance to finally get my foot in the door. She asked me to take her to her friend’s high school so that we could eat lunch with her. Of course being the nice guy I was and knowing exactly how I felt about this girl, I jumped on the chance. The day went well and I thought I was on my way. The phone call I got was to help move the same friend’s TV, so once again I took the chance to try to better my position. This time there were other guys there and I felt really out of place. But I did all I could to try and make this situation a little better than the last. We began to talk more and pass notes in the hallway. Then one say she walked into the nurse’s office at school, where I worked during 7th period, and it started once again. I swore to my best friend who worked in there with me, that she was way out of my league and that I had been trying all year to land this girl that I wanted since 7th grade. He told me just to give it a chance and to ask her out. And so risking all I had and acting completely out o f my comfort zone I did the impossible and asked her to dinner. We talked, ate, she told me how she had two dates that upcoming weekend which kind pushed me back, but as my friend suggested I worked at it and eventually started to hang out with her regularly. And then the night came where we kissed for the first time, May 28th, 2003. Finally I thought, I finally did it, but since we were a little light minded at the time I didn’t know what her intentions were.

Response to John Holt “School Is Bad for Children”

An example of earlier change: English Agriculture: 1500-1850 taken from: Agricultural Revolution in England the transformation of the agrarian economy 1500-1850 by Mark Overton Cambridge University Press, 1996 c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 1 Estimates of English Agricultural Output 1520–1850 18 16 Output – population method 250 Output – volume method – value of total ag. output (crops, meat, dairy) in ? million at 1850 prices 12 200 10 150 8 100 6 Output Index 1700=100 14 Population (millions) 300 Population – in millions (previous limit 5-6 mln people) 4 50 2 0 1851 1831 1801 1791 1781 1761 1751 1741 1701 1661 651 1601 1551 80% of pop. in agric. for own family 1520 0 20% of pop. in agric. for markets c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 2 Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England †¦ 1500-1850, 1996, p. 75& p. 8 A Rising Demand for Food 1520-1851 100 Agricultural population 90 % of total population 80 70 Rural non-agric’l population 60 50 40 Towns > 5000, excl London 30 20 10 London 0 1520 1600 1670 1700 1750 1801 1851 â€Å"†¦the impact of London on the demand for food was greater than these figures indicate because average consumption per head in London was at least double the national average. † c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 3Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England †¦ 1500-1850, 1996, p138 A Changing Social Structure England & Wales 1436-1973 % of ownership 120 Crown 100 Black Plague 80 1348, 1350s, 1370x Church Yeomen freeholders Dissolution 60 of Gentry Monasteries 40 1530 20 Civil War Great owners 1640s 0 1436 (Eng) c. 1690 range of estimates for 1690 c. 1790 1873 (Eng. ) â€Å"The pioneers of new methods in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries †¦ were not the great landowners but smaller farmers †¦ the most dramatic advances in output and land productivity came in those areas (such as Norfolk) where lordship was relatively weak. c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 4 Mark Overton, Agricultural Revol ution in England †¦ 1500-1850, 1996, p. 168 & 205 The Development of Markets < 1600 1601-1650 de cli ne of Local markets, in 800 market towns; strong reg. , no middlemen allowed 1701-1750 1751-1800 1801-1850 Middlemen indispensable gu lat io 1750: London Corn Exchange n between mkt towns 700 mi rivers 1660 900 mi rivers 1700 1838: 60 million letters sent 1790: end of domestic market reg. 15, 000 miles turnpikes en em l idd Trade 1663: reselling & storing allowed weak enforc’t of reg. Grain traded nationally & in N. Europe 1772 20,000 miles turnpikes rivate market’g by samples of 1690s? grain weekly grain prices published rivers linked m of se ri ma rke t re 1651-1700 1846: Corn Laws repealed 1830 c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 5 Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England †¦ 1500-1850, 1996, 137-47 passim Controlling the Use of Land by Enclosures post 1850 undated 1675-1749 1575-1674 1525-1574 1750-1849 100 90 1701-1750 1651-1700 1601-1650 1751-1800 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 1551-1600 County Durham 1551-1850 184,733 total acreage enclosed 0 % of enclosed acreage 1450-1524 pre 1450 South Midlands 1450-1850 2,850,866 total enclosed acreage 1801-1850 660: Modern Law of Mortgage â€Å"From the mid-eighteeth century the most usual way in which common rights were removed was through a specific act of parliament for the enclosure of a particular locality. †¦ Moreover the majority required for enclosure was calculated in terms of acres rather than landowners †¦ † â€Å"†¦ the major upsurge in agricultural output and productivity came after the mid-eighteenth century: this coincides with the major burst of parliamentary enclosure. † c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 6 Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England †¦ 1500-1850, 1996, p. 149-150 & p. 167 Value of Enclosures In short, the farmer on enclosed land, in Kalm’s words, ‘could in a thousand ways improve his property and earn money. ’ [because] â €Å"the return on investment made in that land by an individual would accrue to that individual and not to the community as a whole. † c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 7 Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England †¦ 1500-1850, 1996, p. 149-150 & p. 167 Development & Diffusion of Technology < 1600 1601-1650 1651-1700 1701-1750 1751-1800 1770s Jethro Tull seed drill imitated DIFFUSING 1801-1850 1851-1900 Norfolk system* spreads widely 1870 80% of wheat harvest’d with scythes 835 scythes 1790s R’m widespread plough made in 1830s ag. engin’g 1850s seed drill local widely used indus. dev’d foundaries LEARNING Upsurge in ag. writing 1767 Royal Lancashire Ag. Society 1770s 1st local farmers’ assoc. 1664 Royal Society studies ag. practices 1630 turnips* known as fodder crop 1803 23 local farmers’ assoc. 1838 Royal Ag. Society of Eng. 1850s wide range of farm’g journals: 17,000 readers 1855 700 local farmers’ assoc. 1731 Jethro Tull’s seed drill INTRODUCING 1500s designs for seed drills published 1845 Circencester Ag’l College 1650s clover* appears as fodder crop 1730 new R’m lough patented 1799 scythes introduced in S. Engl’d c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 8 Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England †¦ 1500-1850, 1996, 122-32, passim Changes in Farming Techniques Norfolk 1250-1854 100% % land in turnips 90% 80% % land in clover 70% 60% % land in legumes 50% 40% % land in grain 30% 20% Use of arable sown land, excluding fallow 2/3rd soil nitrogen lost by 1850 => need to manage soil nitrogen 10% 0% 1250-1349 1350-1449 1584-1640 1660-1739 1836 1854 â€Å"Partly because these integrated mixed-farming systems comprised so many mutally dependent components their evolution took time.Hence the long lag between the appearance in England of clover, turnips and the other components of the Norfolk four-course system and the perfection of the system itself, whose widespread diffusion must be dated to the first half of the nineteenth century. † c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 9 Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England †¦ 1500-1850, 1996, p120 & p. 16 Larger Farms, Fewer Farmers 1714-1833 percent of all estate acreage 100 The Example of the Leveson-Gower estates 1714-1833 Farm Size >200 acres 80 60 40 100-200 acres 20 20-100 acres 0-20 acres 0 1714-20 1759-79 1807-13 1829-33 c B.J. Heinzen 1998 p. 10 Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England †¦ 1500-1850, 1996, p174 The Sequence of Change 1500-1850 6. Spread of technical knowledge & use 5. New property rights secure benefits of investment 4. Regulations adapt to informal market realities 3. Development of informal markets to meet need 2. Fluidity in social structure; willingness to experiment 1. A rising demand/need c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 11 Time Lags in the Agricultural Revolution â€Å"Partly because these integrated mixed-farming systems comprised so many mutally dependent components t heir evolution took time.Hence the long lag between the appearance in England of clover, turnips and the other components of the Norfolk four-course system and the perfection of the system itself, whose widespread diffusion must be dated to the first half of the nineteenth century. † Mark Overton, 1996 Agricultural Revolution in England †¦ 1500-1850 c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 12 Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England †¦ 1500-1850, 1996, p120 detailed back-up slides follow c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 13 The Sequence of Change 1500-1850 6. Spread of technical knowledge & use 1770-1870 diffusion of agricultural techniques 5.New property rights secure benefits of investment 1750-1850 Parliamentary Enclosure Acts 4. Regulations adapt to informal market realities 1750 London Corn Exchange; 1790 Domestic mrkt reg. ended 3. Development of informal markets to meet need: 1601-1650 corn traded between market towns 2. Fluidity in social structure; willingness to experiment 16 40s Civil War 1. A rising demand/need 1520 demand rising c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 14 Changes in Norfolk Farming 1250-1854 Wheat Yields & Animals 70 Use of Arable Sown Land* 100% 90% 60 1250-1349 80% 1350-1449 60% 1660-1739 40 70% 1584-1640 50 50% 30 40% 1854 30% 0 20% 10 10% 0% 0 Livestock ratio** Draught beasts*+ Wheat Yields* **Livestock units/100 acres *+ Oxen & horses/100 sown acres *Bushels of wheat/ acres 12501349 13501449 15841640 % Land in turnips % Land in clover 16601739 1836 1854 % Land in legumes % Land in grain *Excluding fallow land c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 15 Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England †¦ 1500-1850, 1996, p120 English Land Use & Yields 1300-1850 1700 = 100 200 180 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 1700 1800 1850 Arable Sown arable Meadow & pasture Total 250 200 Cereal yields 150 100 Wheat yields 50 0 1300 1600 1700 1750 1800 1850 B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 16 Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England †¦ 1500-1850, 1996, p. 86 Enclosing the Land 1450-1850 Enclosures in South Midlands 1450-1850 100 90 % of total enclosed acreage 80 70 Enclosures in County Durham 1551-1850 100 90 undated post 1850 80 70 1751-1800 1750-1849 60 60 1675-1749 1701-1750 50 50 1575-1674 40 1801-1850 1525-1574 40 1651-1700 30 30 1601-1650 1450-1524 20 pre 1450 20 1551-1600 10 10 0 0 (2,850,866 total enclosed acreage) (184,733 total acreage enclosed) c B. J. Heinzen 1998 p. 17 Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England †¦ 1500-1850, 1996, p. 149-150